Foreign relations of India - Wikipedia
The classic era of the special relationship began under the Labour government in the s, though it was Winston Churchill who inspired the. IMDB | Rotten Tomatoes Violet Evergarden: Special: Extra Episode More fun ensues as Kavya and Dhruv's relationship progresses amid Revisiting s photos of women that captured a feminist awakening, this film. Anglo-American special relationship too elusive for the hour glass of mere in the swelling tide of reassessment. It must have rotten soil to grow in."
In the late s, India improved relations with the United States, other developed countries, and China while continuing close ties with the Soviet Union. In the s, India's economic problems and the demise of the bipolar world political system forced India to reassess its foreign policy and adjust its foreign relations.
Previous policies proved inadequate to cope with the serious domestic and international problems facing India. The end of the Cold War gutted the core meaning of nonalignment and left Indian foreign policy without significant direction. The hard, pragmatic considerations of the early s were still viewed within the nonaligned framework of the past, but the disintegration of the Soviet Union removed much of India's international leverage, for which relations with Russia and the other post-Soviet states could not compensate.
The Kargil War resulted in a major diplomatic victory for India. The United States and European Union recognised the fact that Pakistani military had illegally infiltrated into Indian territory and pressured Pakistan to withdraw from Kargil. Several anti-India militant groups based in Pakistan were labelled as terrorist groups by the United States and European Union. India has often represented the interests of developing countries at various international platforms. India's then-defence minister, George Fernandessaid that India's nuclear programme was necessary as it provided a deterrence to potential Chinese nuclear threat.
Most of the sanctions imposed on India were removed by India's extensive contribution to the War on Terrorcoupled with a surge in its economy, has helped India's diplomatic relations with several countries. Over the past three years, India has held numerous joint military exercises with US and European nations that have resulted in a strengthened US-India and EU-India bilateral relationship.
India's bilateral trade with Europe and United States has more than doubled in the last five years. The US argued that India's strong nuclear non-proliferation record made it an exception, however this has not persuaded other Nuclear Suppliers Group members to sign similar deals with India.
Though India is not a part of any major military alliance, it has close strategic and military relationship with most of the fellow major powers. Russia is the largest supplier of military equipment to India, followed by Israel and France. India was seen as one of the standard bearers of the developing world and claimed to speak for a collection of more than 30 other developing nations at the Doha Development Round.
India also enjoys friendly relations with the Persian Gulf countries and most members of the African Union. If we accept there is something of a blurring between lobbying and public relations, and if we include lobbyists working in-house, rather than just in consultancies, then the number of professional communicators engaged in lobbying and related activities is quite significant.
That there is no reliable register of what these people are doing seems itself a matter of public concern. The House of Commons has wrestled with the issue of lobbying and its regulation over the past 40 years. In the early s, it recommended a mandatory register, including details of their businesses and clients. Under Lord Nolan, the committee reported within 6 months, deciding against the regulation of lobbyists and arguing that the creation of a register would become a marketing tool to increase business Nolan, a, p.
Thus, the emphasis of the Nolan report was to fall upon regulation of legislators not the industry. Some viewed this as a strategic calculation by the APPC that there was neither the political appetite nor the legislative space to easily implement such legislation Schlesinger et al, The committee placed a considerable degree of faith in self-regulation by lobbyists, but proposed no solution to concerns regarding those lobbyists who choose not to join self-regulatory schemes.
Inthe Scottish Parliament at Holyrood faced its first lobbying scandal within weeks of assuming powers Schlesinger et al, A newspaper sting revealed lobbyists claiming privileged access to the highest reaches of the newly installed Labour administration in Edinburgh.
The Standards Committee recommended a register of lobbyists be introduced at Holyrood, though this proposal has yet to be enacted Dinan, This delivered a devastating critique of self-regulation. In all likelihood this sounded the death-knell for the status quo.
PASC recommended that the lobbying industry unite and produce a credible self-regulatory framework, or expect the imposition of a mandatory registra- tion system. To date, there has been very little progress by industry, and government, on securing lobbying transparency. The official response from the Cabinet Office to the PASC report was delayed so long that political events had somewhat overtaken it.
The general election manifestos of both Labour and the Lib Dems included pledges to regulate lobbyists. The coalition partnership agreement between the Lib Dems and the Tories also included a commitment to regulate lobbying. However, despite David Cameron claiming while in opposition that lobbying was getting out of control and was a scandal in waiting, his government has been slow to implement lobbying regulation.
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A recurring feature of debate about lobbying in British public life has been the role of the media in reporting, and in some cases creating, scandal. The Draper Cash-for-Access story was the result of an Observer sting on Derek Draper and Roger Liddle, which revealed how former advisors and political insiders were seeking to sell their access to the New Labour administration. Other media that have recently broken lobbying stories and scandals include the Sunday Times, The Times and The Independent.
The media have continued to pursue lobbying-related stories involving the current government, and this has undoubtedly increased the pressure to act on lobbying regulation.
The resignation of Defence Secretary Liam Fox in October amid scandal over his breech of the ministerial code in respect to his relationship with his unofficial adviser Adam Werritty has raised a number of still unanswered questions about the outside interests who used Werritty as a conduit. Once again the government publicly committed to bring forward a consultation on lobbying reform, but there remains little sense of enthusiasm for such transparency at the higher reaches of government.
While media investigating and reporting of lobbying has helped keep the issue on the agenda as has the emergence of a civil society campaign, the Alliance for Lobbying Transparency — with which the present authors are associated3 it is notable that scandals relate mainly to the conduct of ministers, MPs and officials or in the case of Werritty, non-officials.
Comparatively, little is reported about the activities and interests of lobbyists, which is a telling indicator of the lack of public transparency.
As PASCpp. A crucial task of any lobbying transparency system is to open such networks to scrutiny. The rules currently in place, and those proposed by the select committee, will go some way to shedding light on the conduct of lobbying in Britain. Extending the logic of the members code to include r Macmillan Publishers Ltd. A mandatory register of lobbyists would mean that all those parties involved in proposing, opposing, drafting and amending legislation, would be required to make their role in the policymaking process open to external scrutiny.
Given public mistrust of the relations between vested interests of all kinds and elected representatives, it is surely consistent to extend the same principle of vigilance to the lobbying industry as a whole. Currently, there is a dearth of information in the public domain regard- ing how lobbying interests seek to shape policy and legislation. In our view a mandatory lobbying register is the only viable means to secure compliance, transparency and potentially public trust.
Given the secrecy that surrounds lobbying, it is likely that there will continue to be suspicion around attempts by outside interests to shape policy. This suspicion is damaging for the entire political class, and undermines confidence in public affairs and elected representatives. The gravity of this erosion of trust requires serious remedial action, of which a lobbying register is an important element.
Here, I was filming perpetrators of genocide who won, who built a regime of terror founded on the celebration of genocide, and who remain in power. They have not been forced to admit what they did was wrong.
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There is a "surreal normalcy" to their boasting, as Jeffrey Winters, a Northwestern University professor of Indonesian politics recently wrote, "[because] the men in The Act of Killing are not afraid — they are feared … They either received a hero's burial with full state honours if they were the commanders, or they thrived as celebrated local heroes like Anwar Congo if they were the minor thugs doing the actual killing as in North Sumatra.
It is a film about history itself, about the lies victors tell to justify their actions, and the effects of those lies; about an unresolved traumatic past that continues to haunt the present. The film has had exactly the impact the survivors hoped for. It has been screened thousands of times in Indonesia, and is available for free online. This has helped catalyse a transformation in how Indonesia understands its past. The media and public alike are now able, for the first time without fear, to investigate the genocide as a genocide — and to debate the links between the moral catastrophe of the killings and the moral catastrophe of the present-day regime built, and still presided over, by the killers.
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In OctoberIndonesia's most important news publication, Tempo Magazine, published a special double edition dedicated to The Act of Killing, including 75 pages of boastful perpetrators' testimony from across Indonesia. The magazine's editors gathered this testimony to show that the film could have been made anywhere in Indonesia, that there are thousands of feared perpetrators enjoying impunity around the country, and that the problems of corruption and gangsterism are systemic.
This special edition broke a year silence about the genocide in the mainstream media. Indonesia's National Commission on Human Rights issued its statement about the film: No film, or any other work of art for that matter, has done this more effectively than The Act of Killing.
A paramilitary group has attacked newspapers supporting the film, and I cannot return safely to Indonesia. For a long time, the Indonesian government ignored The Act of Killing, hoping it would go away.
When the film was nominated for an Academy award, the Indonesian president's spokesman acknowledged that the genocide was a crime against humanity, and that Indonesia needs reconciliation — but in its own time. While this was not an embrace of the film, it was incredible, because it represents an about-face for the government: It has been moving to witness audiences around the world discover, through moments of identification with Anwar Congo, that we are all closer to the perpetrators than we like to believe.